04
Jan 10

Education Policy Disagreements in My Household

My wife – a special education school teacher – and I have a bit of a policy disagreement regarding teacher merit pay.

Most can agree that our Education System is broken (see anything by John Taylor Gatto) and some sort of reform is necessary (even if it rankles some of the President’s core constituents).   Sometimes that change can only be motivated through monetary incentives.   On the macro-level, I can see the potential benefits.   On the micro-level, it’s likely that her students may not ever achieve sufficiently for her to earn said bonuses.

While I’m not necessarily opposed to merit pay, even in a Union environment, I have a problem with the mechanism for earning those incentives, and how there could be a long-term misalignment between the outcome expected (educated students) and the data measured, distorted by short-term individual gain (executive bonuses).   Basically, an administrator can ‘work the numbers’ to earn a bonus, totally above board, and still fail at the long-term mission of education.

I’ve already heard stories of local districts being accused of monkeying with metrics, and also heard others regarding services being in-sourced or out-sourced solely for monetary savings and irrespective of the quality or appropriateness of service.   The spreadsheets certainly distilled the data to highlight what was best.

On the surface, a data-driven approach dissolves many of the existing problems by being totally objective.   If 500 students out of 800 go to college, that is a 63% advancement rate.   Dispassionate statistics are immune to political and ideological pressures.   There is no room for argument – data and spreadsheets don’t lie.   Unless we ask them to…

Consider the case of the Philadelphia Police Department and the under-reporting of sex crimes (rape) as exposed by the Philadelphia Inquirer:

“Going down with crime.” For years, that was the phrase among Philadelphia police about their culture of minimizing or dismissing complaints from crime victims. This practice kept crime statistics low, thereby improving the department’s image.

In articles and series published in recent years, The Inquirer examined that long-standing practice – especially the “downgrading” of rapes.

Former Police Commissioner John F. Timoney eventually acknowledged that many rapes and other sex offenses had been improperly classified and had received little or no investigation. The department eventually admitted that its sex crimes unit had misclassified 1,822 crimes dating back to 1995.

It’s unclear if the downgrading happened on the beat, at the precinct, or at the roundhouse.

There is little incentive (beyond avoiding work) for unionized, uniformed officers to downgrade statistics, as the metrics would likely not aid them in promotions, and would not receive bonuses in this fashion outside of their contract.   It’s also unclear if senior uniformed or civilian management had any bonus monies, incentives, or promotion opportunities tied to the statistics.   It’s hard to imagine how PPD leadership wouldn’t have some sort of stake.   It’s also fair to consider the political pressures that might have been at play.

Most depressingly, by reflecting dropping crime rates and promoting their own performance, they were likely reducing state and Federal aid in both manpower and money, leading to a more dangerous environment for both Police Officers and citizens.   This was more than a Philadelphia problem, with the issue appearing on University and College campuses as well as other towns and municipalities.

The PPD subsequently employed CompStat to evaluate the metrics, but they are still initiated by people and paper.

The same questions were asked about George W. Bush’s Texas Miracle which subsequently became “No Child Left Behind”, and are now being asked of Obama’s Education Secretary Arne Duncan.

Yes, metrics are important, but they can’t be everything, and they can distort and obfuscate just as much as they can lend clarity.   What you decide to measure (teacher performance) – and what you choose to ignore (administrative performance) – are subjective choices.   If you make uninformed choices at the onset, your errors are compounded at conclusion.

Further, who understands all the various coefficients, powers, and standard deviations?   Statistics was my single worst subject, bar none (okay, not really, you can throw Chemistry and Physics in their too.   And advanced maths.   All of them), and I know I’m not alone.   Does the citizenry even understand the problem:

[ARNE] DUNCAN: Here’s another Gallup result that I think is fascinating. This is the most remarkable finding. Everyone thinks their own school is good and that everybody else’s school is bad. That’s a constant theme. (See Tables 2, 3, and 4 on Page 11.)

KAPPAN: Why do you think that exists?

DUNCAN: Too many people don’t understand how bad their own schools are. They always think it’s somebody else’s kid who’s not being educated. They don’t understand that it’s their own kid who’s being short-changed. That’s part of our challenge. How do you awaken the public to believe that your own kid isn’t getting what they need and you don’t know it. If they would wake up, they could be part of the change. We need to wake them up.

I wouldn’t go so far as to say they don’t know their school is bad.   I would say that they have no idea which data points are important, and that they would prefer those who do to   make the best decisions possible.   Education Reform is a little like the Federal Deficit, everyone knows its important, but no one really knows why, what to do about   it, or how it affects them.

The ubiquity of computing devices, always-on-internet, and a fire hose of data will make it even more difficult to separate the wheat from the chaff, or even easier to cherry pick or work the data.   We can’t be data driven without being data literate.


23
Mar 09

On AIG, Risk, Dynamics, and Populism

I want to write something about AIG, what got us into this mess, the initial bailout, the defenses and criticisms of the bonuses, the public’s outrage, the knee jerk reaction of politicians, the circling of the wagons by the elite, and how the plan rolled out by Tim Geithner enables socialism for the wealthy and insulates them from failure while fleecing everyone else.   Barry Ritholtz at the Big Picture has some links to excellent reporting by Matt Taibi in Rolling Stone, another by Carol Loomis in Fortune, and yet another in the NYTimes by Gretchen Morgenstern.

It’s difficult to know where to stop and finish, although this infographic is a good start.

In the very beginning of AIG’s contribution to this financial quagmire, we were told that it was initially about mutual funds, said the WSJ:

The Federal Reserve appeared to be motivated in part by worries that Wall Street’s financial crisis could begin to spill over into seemingly safe investments held by small investors, such as money-market funds that invest in AIG debt.

[...]

Money-market funds are supposed to be among the safest investments available. No fund in the $3.6 trillion money-market industry has lost money since 1994, when Orange County, Calif., went bankrupt. A number of money-market funds own securities issued by AIG. The firm is also a big insurer of some money-market instruments.

Clusterstock has one of the more concise takes on why we continue being held hostage by these institutions:

But let’s light a match rather than curse the darkness. To understand why AIG is special, you need to understand how credit default swaps wound up playing an important role on the balance sheets of banks all around the world. Basically, as banks loaded up on risky corporate loans and mortgage backed securities, they were forced with a choice: sock away more money against a rainy day or buy an umbrella from AIG. If you bought the umbrella, you were allowed to keep using your capital for investments.

Now that it’s rained for something like 400 days, it’s all too clear that AIG didn’t have enough umbrellas to go around.

Let’s drop the metaphor. Banks all around the world never fully-accounted for the losses they would have to take if their loans stopped paying off at expected rates because they had bought insurance against these losses from AIG. If the banks had to account for those likely losses, they would have to start socking money away.   This is what regulators are trying to prevent by bailing out AIG.

This initial bailout was some $80 billion and ended up with the Government owning 80% of AIG.   This infographic illustrates where the money went, via Flowing Data.

AIG stands before us again, wearing a suicide vest and holding a gun to its own head, Blazing Saddles-style. An AIG white paper [pdf] said the following regarding the systemic risk to the global economy should AIG be allowed to fail, due to cross-defaults of as much as $1.6 Trillion:

For example, AIGFP is a party to derivative and structured transactions, guaranteed by AIG, that allow counterparties to terminate in the event of a “cross default” by AIGFP or AIG. A cross default in many of these transactions is defined as a failure by AIGFP to make one or more payments in an amount that exceeds a threshold of $25 million.

In the event a counterparty elects to terminate a transaction early, such transaction will be terminated at its replacement value, less any previously posted collateral. Due to current market conditions, it is not possible to reliably estimate the replacement cost of these transactions. However, the size of the portfolio with these types of provisions is in the several hundreds of billions of dollars and a cross-default in this portfolio could trigger other cross-defaults over the entire portfolio of AIGFP.

[...]

Departures also have regulatory ramifications. As an example, the resignation of the senior managers of AIGFP’s Banque AIG subsidiary would allow the Commission Bancaire, the French banking regulator, to appoint its own designee to step in and manage Banque AIG. Such an appointment would constitute an event of default under Banque AIG’s derivative and structured transactions, including the regulatory capital CDS book ($234 billion notional amount as of December 31, 2008), and potentially cost tens of billions of dollars in unwind costs. Although it is difficult to assess the likelihood of such regulatory action, at a minimum the disruption associated with significant departures related to a failure to honor contractual obligations would require intensive interactions with regulators and other constituents (rating agencies, counterparties, etc.) to assure them of the ongoing viability of AIGFP as well its commitment to honoring counterparty contracts and claims.

This brings us to Henry Paulson and his successor, Timothy Giethner.   One oft made criticism of both men is that they come from institutions and are friends with some of the same suspects in the current crisis.   To see how the Cargo Cult of the Wealthy comes into play, one need look no further into another possible motivator for the bailout and the bonuses – protecting the wealthy from risk.   Elliot Spitzer may have fallen from grace, but he’s not wrong:

For the answer to this question, we need to go back to the very first decision to bail out AIG, made, we are told, by then-Treasury Secretary Henry Paulson, then-New York Fed official Timothy Geithner, Goldman Sachs CEO Lloyd Blankfein, and Fed Chairman Ben Bernanke last fall. Post-Lehman’s collapse, they feared a systemic failure could be triggered by AIG’s inability to pay the counterparties to all the sophisticated instruments AIG had sold. And who were AIG’s trading partners? No shock here: Goldman, Bank of America, Merrill Lynch, UBS, JPMorgan Chase, Morgan Stanley, Deutsche Bank, Barclays, and on it goes. So now we know for sure what we already surmised: The AIG bailout has been a way to hide an enormous second round of cash to the same group that had received TARP money already.

It all appears, once again, to be the same insiders protecting themselves against sharing the pain and risk of their own bad adventure. The payments to AIG’s counterparties are justified with an appeal to the sanctity of contract. If AIG’s contracts turned out to be shaky, the theory goes, then the whole edifice of the financial system would collapse.

The theme echoed in the business media that Wall Street can’t be run by anyone earning under $250,000 or dread a Wall Street on a $100,000 annual salary.   Others on the right carp that blame lies at the feet of Dodd and Pelosi, ignoring the fact that the bailout was cooked in Dubya’s kitchen.   Add to that the cognitive dissonance of the Conservative Holy Trinity of Rush, Beck, and Hannity coming out in SUPPORT of the bonuses.   Former Bush flack Dana Perino said the following:

And the people who are working there that are middle-class people, are expecting to get this bonus. If they do not get it, maybe they won’t be motivated enough to try to help the company turn around and getting the company to turn around and be more profitable is important for all of us.

When the wingnut titans shriek of class warfare, then mean the rich against the poor, not the inverse, which is why AIG compensation contracts are sancrosant (except when they are not) while the UAWs are not.   It’s also why the finance industry got bailed out while the automakers were forced to grovel and sacrifice.   We are all equal, but some are more equal then others.

Geithner’s ideology has effectively given him cognitive biases and blind spots that you could walk an elephant through.   His beliefs that the economy is stalling because banks aren’t lending, that ‘toxic assets’ are undervalued, and that once those same banks start lending again the markets will recover or only tangently connected to reality.   You can see the themes repeated over and over in the Treasury’s fact sheet.

To further illustrate Geithner’s disconnect, he seeks to employ Rovian branding to the term “toxic assets” as “legacy securities”, hinting that this is a fiscal problem in need of a marketing solution.

The rage of the protesters is reminiscent of waking a sleeping monster, but their fury is blind, unfocused, and random.   AIG is also using the populist uprising as a tool to keep employees quiet.     Meanwhile, the press sends a gazillion journalists and vans to cover a single bus of AIG protesters.   Other populist noisemakers such as Glenn Beck and the NRA’s Wayne La Pierre take the opportunity to rouse up the militia.

To give you an idea of where we stand, compare and contrast these statements by Ben Bernake and Tim Geithner.   Says Bernake, when asked on 60 Minutes what keeps him up at night:

“[That] we don’t have the political will. That we don’t have the commitment to solve this problem.”

Said Geithner, ‘off the record’ after the unveiling of his toxic asset plan, Anne Marie Cox:

“We are the United States of America, we are not Sweden.”

For the uninitiated, both Sweden and Japan faced similar crisis in the recent past.   Sweden temporarily nationalized banks, wiped out those who took excessive risks, and then recapitalized them, emerging in short order.   Japan did not, and their period of recovery through the 1990s is refered to as ‘the Lost Decade’.

As Matt Taibi said in the above linked Rolling Stone article, we are fucked.


06
Mar 09

Enough Already!! We’re all in – it’s time to show our hands.

The news has been consistently full of disheartening records of ‘lowest since’ and ‘highest since’ for quite a while.   Unemployment is still rising if not accelerating.     12% of all homes with mortgages are either in default, delinquent, or foreclosure.   Nearly every economic metric chart looks either like a moonshot or cliffdiving.   The Dow Jones has now fallen farther and faster than the it did in 1929.

It’s time to stop bluffing.

Dia 104: Derrumbandose
Creative Commons License photo credit: Freddy The Boy

On AIG – AIG can’t be allowed to fail, because if it does, the derivatives that they ‘insure’ would essentially be worthless.   We’d see several large banks fail, and trigger a severe global depression.   So I guess that means billions upon billions to be spent on smoke and mirrors.   If not, the whole house of cards falls.

On the whole mess – I agree with Clusterstock – they don’t get it.   I’ve been saying the same thing as they have for years:

We are not having a “liquidity” crisis in which assets are temporarily worth less than they will be soon.   We are having a solvency crisis: Our mountain of debt is finally collapsing on top of us, and most financial assets are getting crushed.

Throwing more money at the ‘liquidity’ problem and avoiding uncomfortable talk about nationalization merely postpones and intensifies the risk of the inevitable – the failure of several large banks, which will then destroy the currency.     At best, we buy some time by having ‘zombie banks’ full of toxic assets, says Paul Krugman:

Think of it this way: by using taxpayer funds to subsidize the prices of toxic waste, the administration would shower benefits on everyone who made the mistake of buying the stuff. Some of those benefits would trickle down to where they’re needed, shoring up the balance sheets of key financial institutions. But most of the benefit would go to people who don’t need or deserve to be rescued.

And this means that the government would have to lay out trillions of dollars to bring the financial system back to health, which would, in turn, both ensure a fierce public outcry and add to already serious concerns about the deficit. (Yes, even strong advocates of fiscal stimulus like yours truly worry about red ink.) Realistically, it’s just not going to happen.

So why has this zombie idea – it keeps being killed, but it keeps coming back – taken such a powerful grip? The answer, I fear, is that officials still aren’t willing to face the facts. They don’t want to face up to the dire state of major financial institutions because it’s very hard to rescue an essentially insolvent bank without, at least temporarily, taking it over. And temporary nationalization is still, apparently, considered unthinkable.

Surely a domestic economic failure here will ripple across the world like a tsunami.   If you are wondering what it might look like, and maybe get some insight into how we got into this mess in the first place, see this incredible article on the collapse of Iceland in Vanity Fair.


16
Jan 09

Huh? How does Mr. 27% get a 7-point bump on his way out the door?

Despite his own claims to the contrary as demonstrated in print and via his ‘valedictory’ last night, the W is for ‘worst’.   USAToday has a visualization that shows the public approval trend.

History, as judged by historians, possibly after all those currently living are dead, may in fact judge him more kindly.   But by nearly every group and every measurement, the consensus is that nobody likes him and they want him to leave. He is and will always be a miserable failure.   So why the bump?

Even as the Bush Legacy Project churns away, grinding the remains into a more palatable form, it’s hard to stomach the revisionist history, whether it be on Iraq, housing, education, Veterans, or the economy. Continue reading →


24
Dec 08

Oh, this will end well…

It’s almost as if we (in this case, the Pentagon) are incapable of learning (via NYTimes):

Taking a page from the successful experiment in Iraq, American commanders and Afghan leaders are preparing to arm local militias to help in the fight against a resurgent Taliban. But along with hope, the move is raising fears here that the new armed groups could push the country into a deeper bloodletting.

The militias will be deployed to help American and Afghan security forces, which are stretched far and wide across this mountainous country. The first of the local defense forces are scheduled to begin operating early next year in Wardak Province, an area just outside the capital where the Taliban have overrun most government authority.

If the experiment proves successful, similar militias will be set up rapidly across the country, senior American and Afghan officials said.

faceplam

We will ensure that Allah stocks heaven with virgins and martyrs (and US citizen soldiers) for generations to come. Continue reading →